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born of the daily FI, Il Giornale face as a Republic!

Ferdinando Adornato director of the Liberal Foundation, and eponymous bi-monthly published by it, decided to give life to what should be running for the newspaper Forza Italy. The name of the bimonthly / fondzione was already seeing his penalty in the Anglo-Saxon countries Liberal progressissiti are, well, seems to understand that the newspaper should be called with the same name (long live the original!).
said that I would do a couple of questions to experts:

Instead of founding a new newspaper would not be better to expand existing newspaper opinion as the Independent and opinion?
Newspapers party is in crisis, there is shown by the decrease of copies already for some time plagued the newspaper of the DS units (which I guess should be based on FI) and also the announcement of Fini wanted to transform the Century of Italy from the party in daily newspaper of ideas on the model of Il Foglio and Il Reform. In addition to
to get public funding (but FI was not a liberal party?) That anything else should have this operation?

The birth of this proportion, however, could bring the substantial indirect benefits, and now I will try to explain what and why.

few months ago, Angelo Crespi editor of The Sunday made a harsh criticism of the cdx emphasizing his inability to structure a serious cultural policy aimed to create that vital consensus for reforms, that consensus is necessary to induce the liberal revolution that the country would have a great need.
He pointed out for example that in front of an electorate broadly divided in half (actually more than is currently on the right and left) one could imagine a great newspaper liberal-conservative who could catch the reader disappointed by newspapers such as The Corsera (after the endorser of Honey continues to lose) and La Stampa.

Crespi made a speech looking back I it is even more true if you look at what is happening these days.
He wrote: "Given the hand, compared with about 5 million newspaper readers each day, are well sold 4 million copies of newspapers attributable to the left. Not wanting to believe that only the Italians left buy and read newspapers and reasoning about the composition of the electorate is easy to deduce that at least a couple million of these players are latamente center-right and that they could potentially buy newspapers from the center. Obviously to transmigrate from one head to another players must overcome psychological barriers and sedimented reading habits . Yet the space was (and is now increased! - Tudap). Sure
must imagine a great project . Find market substantial funding. Having a strong advertising sales (as with other Il Giornale Mondadori). Focusing primarily on the authority
so that we can offer a good reason for commitment to distinguished commentators who up to now have been willing to "dirty" to cooperate with the center-right newspapers. Find an editorial
inclusive that could take into account the social bloc crucial to Italy: that is, that block social conservative, Catholic, liberal, people who ruled together with more secular components and reform in our country for 50 years but now no longer a major newspaper in which to reflect.
Equip this newspaper all the right tools to compete with other products on the market (newsmagazine an attachment, an attachment of women, an allegation of economy and work, an annex of culture, a real website ... ).

And then, to make it short, would be enough to analyze the success of Republic (a newspaper born in the seventies and almost immediately able to compete with the Courier) and its ability to embody the views of its readers, to repeat the same right .

Why carry these words Crespi? simple, because the birth of a Designated Force Italy may give the possibility to free themselves from dependence The Journal of veiled it with Silvio Berlusconi (and his party) and to exploit its potential for transformation in The Republic of center .
E ', however, necessary to build on the advice of the Director of The Sunday maybe, I might add un'pò moderating. Which means, say the headlines from campaign stop, to avoid that way of partisan journalism that lead to blunders like the one on the Turkish who want euthanasia. Furthermore, if the newspaper wants to divest the role of party newspaper is almost good to call and able to write auotorevoli journalists (there are already ) and let the politicians and pundits to politicians (the Revolutionary Guzzanti but I would see it as good as the deputy director of Libero).

Who to call to manage this new journal? I would see us well Pierluigi Battista, currently deputy editor of Corriere, former columnist for La Stampa, was deputy editor of Panorama in Giuliano Ferrara.

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for a "tax revolt"

hope that the drums of rebellion that seemed to roll in 1986 return to be felt today, and that once in their history also know our fellow citizens to rebel against the power, not to increase their domain, against the tax authorities and not have to extend it, we represent our twenty-five readers (to remind the understatement Manzoni) an article that appeared in June 1986 in a tiny liberal publication of Brescia, The New Freedom. Of all evidence, that the march of thirty-five thousand took to the streets of Turin called for "less taxes" was in the air, and with it the hope that life would take a serious movement deployed in defense of the taxpayers and against the parasitic state. Because that hope is not dead yet in writing, and because the optimism of the will is in the DNA of those who are committed to building a culture daily libertarian, in proposing this simple page is meant to reaffirm the urgency di reagire e alzare la voce, organizzarsi e costruire consenso. Come era necessario allora, lo è oggi. Vent’anni dopo. (Carlo Lottieri)

Sembra che anche in Italia cominci a profilarsi l’ipotesi di una “rivolta dei contribuenti”, un movimento di opinione orientato a ridimensionare la pressione fiscale. Se si considera che, come ha affermato Robert Nozick, “la tassazione dei guadagni da lavoro è una specie di lavoro forzato” ed un uomo libero può subirla solo in cambio di qualcosa di veramente importante, ciò significa che in Italia – dove lo Stato sottrae il 60% del reddito nazionale – oltre la metà del nostro tempo, della nostra fatica e della nostra libertà vengono illegittimamente sottratti dall’autorità pubblica. Non c’è dubbio, infatti, che il cittadino italiano riceve dallo Stato nient’altro che “paccottiglia, al netto delle tangenti trattenute da privilegiati politici, burocrati, parassiti vari, dissipatori di ogni risma. C’è qualcuno che sia soddisfatto dei nostri servizi pubblici, senza essere tra coloro che li forniscono?” (come ha dichiarato recentemente Sergio Ricossa).
Date tali premesse non è affatto strano che la gente inizi a maltollerare l’esproprio continuo a cui è sottoposta tramite imposte dirette e indirette, palesi ed occulte, e che gruppi di cittadini si mobilitino e raccolgano firme per una proposta di legge di popular initiative in favor of a Reagan-like tax reform. And invitations to escape "clear" and mass are also certain groups of professionals, doctors, business executives, etc..
can not be overlooked, however, as the basis for this new sensibility there is a rediscovery of entrepreneurship and profit. Efficiency of what is "private." The booming stock market, the success of mutual funds and private pension schemes are clear signs of this varying availability of the people towards the market economy. Many Italians, in essence, are increasingly concerned to ensure that companies develop active: the mythology of the Fourth Estate seems to disappear for so even in the collective psychology and common sense, giving way to a company's owners, shareholders and, most importantly, free and autonomous individuals.
Even in the narrow space left them by the State Master, the Italians have begun to experience the benefits of capitalism, and the different value of the services paid their respect to those bestowed by the bureaucrats of public facilities. Discovering, in this way, the taste of rewarding build, with his own hands, better conditions for themselves and their children.
But there are still serious difficulties. First you must recognize that most of Italians ignore and despise the economy and it is always ready to waste easy rhetoric around the "social question" or the problem of hunger in the world, is also completely disinterested and rational for each analysis documented these problems. Secondly, one can not forget that in Italy the lack of political and institutional conditions that can lead to a change similar to that which has occurred in the United States and the United Kingdom. After the war, Italian, in fact, the vote of the electorate has not changed the political situation and the governments have always been made by the secretariats of the parties.
The biggest obstacle is represented, however, by the powerful network of interests which has been developed around the welfare state. As written by Gianfranco Miglio Il Sole 24 Ore, "there are two Italys: on the one hand, those who (...) expect everything from security policy, and the so-called 'transfer' (ie, the division and redistribution of resources extracted in the remaining citizens ), on the other hand those who persist to produce wealth, confident of being able to save and enjoy at least part of it. The first living on the shoulders of seconds. "
is thus necessary that the exploited acquire a different awareness of their condition and know how to attack with greater courage and determination parasitism of those who, in the name of opportunism disguised from "Justice" (social justice, of course), damage the whole of society and the weakest in the first place. The welfare state, on the other hand, is based on a distribution within the middle classes by removing the ants to give the cicadas. A tour book which ignores and excludes the "real poor" (the sick, elderly, drug addicts, etc.). Devoid of electoral strength and political protection.
The "tax revolt" was not born then a sort of anti-social selfishness but is in defense of the whole society: a society stripped of its resources, hindered in their efforts to two hundred thousand more and a myriad of regulations, private delle proprie autonomie, avvilita nei propri compiti e nelle proprie responsabilità.

Da La Nuova Libertà, giugno 1986.